Monday, October 29, 2012

What Happens When Dragons Come Out of Hiding. Is China Actually a Threat to American Interests?

During these last days of the Presidential campaign, it seemed that a newly developing buzzword was not just a word but an entire country; China somehow began to creep up into the campaign's consciousness, and "being tough on China" started to become the new line in the sand for the next president of the United States.  The question then becomes just how did China, a country of more than a sixth of the world's population, manage to stay hidden in the shadows and all of a sudden become a major wrench in American gears? My intuition is that not only is China objectively not as big an issue as it's made out to be, but that instead it acts as a place-holder for the rapidly expanding developing world in political conversations. 

Looking at China from a relativist stand-point, there really isn't much to fear, let alone much to criticize. Although China's military capability looks quite large on paper, it's been known for some time that their full military capability simply is not comparable to western powers, (i.e. 60 years behind the air-craft carrier technology race) let alone powers of nations surrounding it. The nuclear issue runs essentially the same path. China, like Russia, understands that the Cold War has come and gone, and nuclear security now means keeping their own warheads secure for their own good. More importantly, if a nuclear issue were to even begin peeking its head from around the corner, China understands that it would not just deal with one central pole of opposition like the United States, but instead multiple nuclear armed powers in its neighborhood who, not knowing China's full intentions, would practically rush out of the woodwork to secure their own interests. There simply is no reason short of madness to ring all those alarm bells all at once. 

Socio-economically speaking, China's situation becomes a little trickier to calibrate, but in the end it all still points to fire-less smoke. Since the reforms of the 90's China is now the world's largest economy, but it is the world's largest economy that undoubtedly plays in a capitalist world as much as that annoys Beijing, which means the days of the Chinese bubble are like all bubbles numbered. China still refers to itself as a communist country, and does not shy away from its authoritarian labels of dissent suppression. However like all countries in this modern age, the Chinese central government is susceptible to the same popular threats that social media provides when it comes to information dispersal, organization capabilities, and grassroots social strengthening. The facade that China has had for decades about it being an impenetrable, social cookie cutter, economic leviathan is, much like its burgeoning economy, had its days numbered. 

To add to all this supposed animosity, China has been much more willing to cooperate in the international scene than it is normally given credit for. Blocks against action in Syria have been rebounded with economic sanction assistance against Iran. Lawsuits filed on the part of the United States in the WTO regarding Chinese trade practices have been rebuffed by talks about economic development in Europe. There is even talk of Chinese ambitions to curb their carbon emissions, a topic that even some politicians in much more affluent countries fail to grasp on to today. Given that China isn't as scary, as reclusive, and as closed-minded as some may want it to be for their own political gain, what exactly does one mean when they mention China?

In order to answer this question, it's important that we detach the word "China" from China itself. This may sound like useless semantics, but "China" in reality is a term for all developing countries around the world. Six or eight years ago, the "developing world" was a buzz-word designed for countries beginning to step out of the third-world category, but not yet strong enough to be considered legitimate competitors. Unfortunately for those of us not paying attention over that time-frame, the "developing countries" have evolved into "almost fully developed countries". The subtle change could not be of greater importance; even sequoias at one point or another were saplings, and that is exactly the sort of surprise that this economic downturn in the developed world has revealed. China, India, Brazil, and Turkey have reported more than positive GDP growth, with other countries, particularly in Asia following closely behind. Not only is GDP an indicator of this, but so too are student test scores, general affluence, and in some countries the recognition or reinforcement of women's rights. 

"China" as understood as a standard-bearer for all "almost developed countries" is indeed frightening for leaders in countries that could only dream of having real GDP growth or population growth at the same levels. The combination of an open door invitation to the free-trade market-space that the developed world has touted for so long teamed along with deplorable but highly lucrative labor practices makes these "almost developed" exports a peril for established economies that have been hurt for almost half a decade. More importantly without being able to claim to be the unsurpassed leaders of the global economy, a world that responds less and less to forceful coercion and much more to the national bottom-line begins to take a much less glorifying opinion of the old world guard, thereby diminishing the influence on non-economic affairs. 

It would help then if candidates, or any future elected leaders for that matter, would stop making claims about being particularly tough on a single country or citing specific but minute lawsuits designed to keep "the meek of the world" in check and instead begin designing a comprehensive guide for how to deal with the "developing world". It is crucial that American and European leaders recognize the fact that "developing countries" are no longer developing, and that they have instead already built the engines they need to power their economies. Realizing that China is not a stand-alone problem is what is needed to actually address the greater issue of a whole host of new countries coming to seriously compete and looking to beat the established leaders of the world. If that isn't run, the leaders of the "developed world" seriously run the risk of being jumped by not one but several crouching tigers. 




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Monday, October 22, 2012

The Positive Symptoms of Romneysia ; Why a Moderate Republican President Might Actually Be a Good Thing

It's a well known fact that after primaries, candidates for presidential elections in the United States will move back towards the center of the political spectrum to seem more appealing to the undecided voters that will ultimately have a big say in who becomes president. Normally, these undecided voters choose more on a balance act of issues rather than strict party lines, making them the most difficult constituency to catch.

Ever since the first presidential debate, Gov. Romney has received a lot of flack for effectively moving towards the center much too soon and much too fast, greatly encouraging his opponents, big and small, to call him out on these inconsistencies and to an extent his supposed lack of honesty. However this criticism as due as it may well be could actually be signalling a very important and perhaps necessary change to the American political landscape.

A move to the center is expected, but why should a harsh move to the center be held questionable? If it's a matter of saying one thing and meaning another, then we have a problem. But if it's part of "playing the game" in order to achieve a truly higher political ideal then could a move to the center be acceptable? If it were the case, could Gov. Romney's move to the center actually mean the start of the retrieval of a Republican party that is willing to stop treating politics like a game of chicken and more like a game of cooperation?

It is no secret that the Republican party adopted a strict anti-Obama platform coming out of their presidential loss in 2008, and that has been reflected in not only the amount of filibustering in Congress during that time and now and public comments made referring to the goal of their politics not being to serve the country but rather to remove President Obama from office (granted, they could truly believe that the best thing to do for the country is to remove Obama, but I'm no mind reader so we'll leave it at that).

This has made compromise very rare in Congress these days, something which the American people not only feel (in their pocketbooks regarding the lack of real economic growth from a lack of policies being implemented) but also judge (given Congress' abysmal approval rate). The far right is not only opposition to those to the left, but also to those in the middle. If you were even a run-of-the-mill Republican in a constituency run amok by the Tea-Partyites and Glen Beck's of the world, you were in trouble in the last two elections. By refusing to allow any wavering towards the left, this motion also stopped any wavering towards the middle, which has soured the political conversation that the United States has always had.

So, is it possible that Gov. Romney's run to the center is not a very strong come-on to independent voters but instead the re-establishment of a Republican party that is willing to compromise again? Gov. Romney has made a point (quite a few to be honest) about how he is going to base realistic policy goals off of what can be accomplished by bi-partisanship, which with some wishful thinking points in that very direction. At the same time, Gov. Romney has hosted positions in the past that not only sit in the center but also tend to lean to the left. In my opinion, the real reason why he was able to be bi-partisan in a Democratically held Massachusetts legislature was because he espoused enough Democratic ideals to defuse any real friction.

A "Massachusets Romney", if elected, could theoretically bring the Republican party away from the far-right and back into the moderate, common sense approach of American politics. A more moderate Republican party would mean more moderate legislation, and that generally means more effective and fairer legislation overall (holding the idea that moderate approaches can come from the left as well). For that to happen, Republican voters need to first have a flag-bearer that holds an American flag, not a colonial "Don't Tread on Me" flag and then vote for him, stealing away the political capital of right-wing extremists who have derailed the Republican party and subsequently ruined the progressive political debate between those who lean left and those who lean right but both understand the importance of the middle.

Understandably, this theory wouldn't be credible without some serious considerations; 1) In the public court, Gov. Romney's motives for moving to the left and back should be suspect given the amount of times they've occurred. Who's to say he isn't appearing as hyper-malleable in this presidential race the same way he might have been in the Massachusetts gubernatorial race so many years back? 2) His VP pick, Cong. Ryan, seems to follow a more extreme socio-economic position (i.e. economic rights, social benefits, abortion) and although the VP is not the president, still must account for the thought process Gov. Romney and his team went through by picking him. 3) The President of the United States, as powerful as he/she is is not the Congress, and cannot account for all of its actions. Romney may himself be moderate, but he cannot alter the decisions by those in his party who are instead much more extreme in their right-leaning natures.

The question here then becomes is America willing to take the chance on this sort of thought-process in order to salvage what is left of a broken political discussion in this country? Given that the stakes are either having serious politics once more or being suckered into thinking such things for the sake of a hard-right win, the choice is not an easy one.

All that can be said is that should Gov. Romney win the election, it would be up to the electorate to hold him accountable to his more moderate promises in order to not only get what one voted for, but also work to dampen the extreme-right by reducing it obsolete and vote-less. That way, the fate of the American political discussion is no longer in the hands of the elected, but instead where it belongs in the voices of the people that then pull the strings in Washington.


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Friday, October 12, 2012

Would a Horsefly Watch a Presidential Debate? Are Debates Actually Good for Our Public Discourse?

Last night's VP debate did one thing; it let us know that America's next vice-president will be a catholic. That may be a cynical way of saying that no new talking points were created, but the essence remains the same. Although Team Obama came firing on all cylinders, Team Romney was able to dodge enough bullets to not thoroughly convince undecided minds. If anything, it pushed the real issues back another week towards the second presidential debate.

Given the general futility of this particular debate, one question began creeping in the back of my mind; what exactly do these debates give back to the public that so eagerly awaits them? In my view, not enough. We can take the VP debate as an example of exactly what i mean here.

What Debates Give Back:

What debates generally are good for is to reach a wider audience. Up until debate season, the only people involved in these campaigns are the hardcore partisan supporters who track irrelevant polls left and right. The debates are chance to push politics into an even greater, and importantly more public, spotlight which does have its advantages at cultivating an informed electorate.

Last night, both VP hopefuls were engaged in talking to every American; current VP Biden in fact had many direct messages to the viewing audience at home (cut to camera 4) pointing out differences in policy and approaches. He obviously does not need to remind people who have already donated to his campaign, but he did take the chance to reach out to the undecideds and perhaps the wavering.

Another thing debates are generally good at is projecting the candidates as people and not as just names on a cardboard post. There were moments of great humanity in this last debate, the majority of which coming from religious based questions. Although religion does not ultimately decide these men, their catholic faith and their own personal interpretation of it showed that there are some deep personal differences among the two.

In that respect, the debates are formulated to try to contrast the two people debating as not just two flag-bearers but as two wholesomely different people. All in all, it is a good attempt at trying to remind everyone that people and not talking points will be in leadership positions. That may be where the positives to debates end however.

What Debates Lack:

The biggest drawback in debates is the talk over foreign policy. In my view, this is the most theoretical and therefore most useless portion of the debates. The problem is the following; while you may have both sides arguing for what is America's rightful place/role in the world, you do not have enough concrete facts to go off of in order to fully judge the intentions of either candidate. Last night for instance, the attack on the Libyan Consulate illustrated this point precisely.

There was no talk about what could have been done differently, or where the moral blame should have been, or who ultimately is responsible, because the intelligence as VP Biden pointed out and Cong. Ryan chose not to proceed on was still not 100% there. Not only is missing intelligence a problem, but so too is intelligence which is already there. VP Biden made it very clear he did not want to release classified information, even if that information would have been a great piece of real evidence to use in his debate. Foreign policy in general needs to be taken for what it is in these debates: a hypothetical litmus test for the temperament and international knowledge of the candidates and nothing more.

Another major drawback is the set of expectations regarding decorum and mannerisms creating a fake veneer of comradeship up on the stage. Putting the candidates on TV has the advantage of letting America see its candidates upfront and in person, but it also heavily dilutes the ideas and message of either candidate/party. Debaters who find themselves at odds with how to deal with misrepresentations of facts or outright lies cannot, for the sake of looking calm and collected, crush a statement if it needs to be done for the sake of truthfulness.

VP Biden's laughs last night as well as Cong. Ryan's wonky eyebrow gestures were not in any way extensions of their real personas, they were what each debater thought looked most appropriate to let the American people know "this guy is totally nuts, but I still respect him being nuts." Ironically enough, that itself is nuts. Unfortunately, we have nobody but ourselves to blame. If we as the American electorate understand that these are people with candid emotions that will fight tooth and nail to achieve their political agendas, then we can give up on the pageantry of the debates and instead find out who really believes what they are saying and who is the better actor.

What are we to make of all this?

What we are to make is that on the whole, debates water down the electoral process for undecided voters. They are out not to make a more informed electorate, but an angrier and simpler one. It takes more than an hour to hash out key ideological differences among two men who have severely different backgrounds and experiences. Trying to shove that much information, in that little a time, with so many unwritten rules pledging appearance over substance does not in any way add positive or necessary attributes to a presidential race, whether the debate is presidential or vice-presidential. If you want to keep debates a spectacle and still have them aim to be informative, there should be a new dynamic added to them; a truly independent panel of fact checkers that check facts as they are said.

Not only does it make good television to see politicians have their statements revoked by the facts right in front of them, but it forces more honesty into the debates. Perhaps you could also invite professional debate scorers like in most official debates to figure out who actually won instead of being slaves to a poll sampling error. What I'm suggesting is that the truth can be just as entertaining or as enthralling as these ad-hoc rules of engagement we have about the candidates or the expectations we lay down before anybody debates anything.

As the people who decide who eventually has a job come January 20th I suspect we deserve better than what we are being given right now. By not helping ourselves figure out a way to honestly judge these candidates, we are not helping society and we are definitely not helping the future we will ultimately decide.




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Monday, October 8, 2012

How Can You Pursue Happiness If You're Sick? A Constitutional Argument for Healthcare

Earlier this year, the statute known fondly as "Obamacare" was deemed to be both unconstitutional and constitutional at the same time. This judicial paradox described that the original presentation of "Obamacare" was unconstitutional as a provisional universal mandate, but was instead constitutional if viewed as a tax set forth by congress which is all fair and good. Personally, I find this decision to not have encompassed the real core of the debate regarding universal healthcare.

The decision behind "Obamacare" failed to recognize, in the way that it decided to label the law, that the idea of universal healthcare is a discussion about individual rights much more than it is an argument over states' rights. By claiming it constitutional only in terms of how such a law could be allowed to go on, the Supreme Court failed to tackle the issue of whether or not healthcare is a right that should or should not be respected in the United States.

Legally, the jury is still out on that decision because at no point in the "Obamacare" discussion did an amendment to the Constitution come to the table as a possible solution to this controversy. This is only the highest speculation, but the Obama administration probably did not want to flirt with the idea of the president actually fulfilling one of the far right's prophecy of him wanting to drastically change the constitution, even if it may possibly have positive effects.

Nevertheless, I believe that there can be a case made for why some form of healthcare coverage can be had within the constitution of today, albeit with some rather generous speculation of intent and possibly some modifications to be taken into account. We will begin, rather justly, from the beginning of the Constitution in order to better understand the motivation of this sort of enquiry.

This is what greets any reader of the Constitution at the head of the page;

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

The italics here connote history, whereas the underlined connote areas of interest pertaining to this specific topic. The Constitution can be said to be looking out for, among other things, laws heading into a direction that encompasses some sorts of benefits (perhaps rights not necessarily found inalienable) for the American people. Given that "providing for the common defence" is already established, we cannot possibly imply that general welfare, domestic tranquility and justice are merely offshoots of the Constitution only keeping people physically safe, but must instead stand on their own merits.

There is very much an aspect of the Constitution that tries to better people's lives when it can, and perhaps when it is just to do so. We shall go into that later, but for now we must understand simply that the Constitution houses more than just the intent to defend land and property. It also shows some recognition of social goods to be found within American society itself; how many social goods and which ones again will be discussed later.


To begin to answer that specific question, we must first consult the 9th amendment, which reads as follows;

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

In modern English usage, this amendment basically means that just because a specific right is not now expressed in the list of amendments does not in any way deny any "new" rights yet to be discussed to be adopted into law. This is what acts as the legal in-route for any healthcare-based right; without the 9th amendment, it would be almost illegal to consider the adoption of new rights into the American legal system.

Putting the preamble and the 9th amendment together, we can begin to at least imagine that it is not only legal but implied by the Constitution that rights based on social justice are possible to be achieved, if someone is to receive them by the appropriate reasoning of course and not just crafting a right out of thin air. This becomes increasingly more possible if you look at how prohibition became a constitutional amendment.

Prohibition was not a legislative-bound amendment; it was pushed to that point by a popular movement behind it looking to define what right, specifically the right to consume alcohol, they wanted to block. Only under the Volstead Act (legality of Congress' enforcement of the 18th amendment) did the Congress actually find itself independent in its approach to prohibition (its vote to push the amendment through in the place of the people). Remember also that the idea behind making alcohol illegal was that it would, in theory, better society and promote general welfare.

If it is possible to define what rights should be taken away to better people's lives, then it should also be possible to define what rights should be established in order to better people's lives. If a right to some form of healthcare is to be aimed at economic relief, general physical wellness, and a greater capacity for wellness as a people, then a right to healthcare has just as much theoretical legality as the 18th amendment had in its heyday. 

So, given that there are historical in-roads to constitutional amendments, and given that rights can arguably be tacked on by the 9th amendment only if they truly embody the spirit of promoting obvious social benefits, a right to healthcare can at the very least have the opportunity to be heard as a possible "addition" to the sets of rights already specified by the Constitution. That being said, it would most likely still have to pass by the Supreme Court for its seal of approval given the political climate that state legislatures and leaders can evoke if something challenges their beliefs/views. I personally would welcome such an unfolding of events because the most significant changes to rights in the history of the United States has always fallen to justices and not representatives.

Although the Supreme Court is now as political as the world around it, I still have faith in their ability to look at law for law's sake, not at what pundits have to say or who can benefit the most from a certain decision. Given that this sort of decision would have to go back to understanding exactly what the Constitution set America's government forth to do, I find it likely that a proposal to have the Supreme Court embrace a right to healthcare would most definitely fulfil the concepts of the founders to protect and to promote welfare for the American people, in this case saving them from the pitfalls of a skewed and profit-driven and not health-driven healthcare system.



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Thursday, October 4, 2012

A Revealing Debate; Why the First Presidential Debate Shows that Character Trumps Policy

The questions this morning are pretty similar; "who won last night?" or "who looked better?" or "who said the best things?". Even though we still have a full month to go until the election, people and pundits alike are trying their hardest to see into the future by analyzing the absolute pants off this first debate. Of course both sides have fair points to make as to who spoke it best, but both the Obama and Romney camps are probably wondering how it is that neither of their candidates were able to seem more presidential than the other on the stage last night.

Instead, it became increasingly apparent that neither man is more "presidential" than the other, just that they are both equally presidential in the most different ways possible. It is because of this phenomenon that neither President Obama nor Governor Romney were able to fully declare victory last night, and will most likely gain little from the next debates by trying to fight over the issues. 

This has now become a contest as to what sort of president America wants, not which president America wants. The distinction is best explained like this; both candidates want to get America back to work again, both want to raise exports, both want to keep it safe, and both want to do all of this while managing to make as few people angry at them. The differences in policy aren't even terribly different, all that really changes between the two candidates is the amount of funding each would give to those individual causes which they both share. 

So how exactly are voters supposed to decide between two candidates who instead of fighting it out for the same seat should ideally be hammering away at their differences in order to produce an amazing end-product? The answer is to drastically differ in what mentality and what attitude is to be wanted in the White House by voters this November. The debate last night made it clear that the choice is between a professorial, calm-minded, pedantic approach and a fire-and-brimstone, hold no prisoners, aggressive approach. I'll leave you to figure out who is who here. 

Is this a bad thing, that an election comes down to a matter of character rather than policy? In my view it doesn't hurt one bit. The answer lies in campaign lies. Politicians are known to make a lot of campaign promises on their way to election day, but in the end almost no-one is able to come back with a fully promised record of legislation/action by the time the term is up. While there are of course some politicians who will absolutely lie to get elected as anyone is ready to lie to move up in life, I am of the suspicion that many promises are made with theoretical judgments of the office rather than hands on experience of what it entails. 

That being said, once somebody is in office, it becomes a lot easier to see why some campaign promises which a candidate may very well have believed in whole-heartedly get swiped aside if there is truly no way of making that campaign promise a reality. There may be information new information that the to-be-elected does not have prior to running for a position that could either make the achievement harder than expected or could potentially change the opinion of the elected official once they are in office.

With that in mind, policy can take a backseat to character if we understand that promises made before the election should not be taken as literally as a perfect democracy would have you take them, but rather have them be indicators of the sort of character that a president or any elected official at any level would theoretically have whilst in office. 

What does this all mean given last night's debate? It means simply that President Obama will continue to be a sedated yet pensive personality as commander in chief which makes his choice an educated and safe one given the crises that America faces today. On the other hand, Governor Romney is proposing to take a much more high-risk high-stakes approach which, to his credit, could work to turn the economy around faster than you can blink if it doesn't careen it off the edge completely.

The election then has come down to this; everyone wants progress and recovery, yet the real difference lies in how impatient people really are to see it through and how much they are willing to risk in order to have a sense of prosperity and security again. It's as if casting a ballot has become a game of roulette where you can either spread the chips around to try to minimize the loss or put everything on red. Hopefully, this is a game of roulette where the house doesn't always win.